The Charlottesville Operation
It was May of 1970 and my wife and I, both
graduate students at the University of North Carolina in Chapel Hill, had
joined hundreds of other people, most of whom were students, in an enormous
march around Chapel Hill in protest of the shooting of demonstrators at Kent
State University and incursion into Cambodia, expanding the Vietnam War. As we were marching toward Franklin
Street, the main drag in the town, someone near the front began the chant, ÒHo,
Ho, Ho Chi Minh, the NLF is going to win.Ó*
As deep as my anger was toward the government
that I had finished serving on active duty in the Army a scant two years
before, the chant made me very uncomfortable. It struck me as pro-Communist, which its originators probably intended it to be, but
virtually the entire crowd—very few of which I would think really had any
Communist sympathies—joined in the chant. It had a nice cadence, like the ones I
had shouted with my platoon at Fort Bragg, but at the same time it managed to
taint the march, giving opponents something easy to seize upon and denounce.
Flash forward to September of 2005. Once again IÕm in a march against a
major American war. This time itÕs
the war in Iraq and IÕm part of a truly massive demonstration in Washington,
DC. It was probably the high water
mark in the United States of resistance to the criminal Middle East wars so far
in the 21st century. But
even more than the earlier march in Chapel Hill, people who I am certain were
ringers and plants tainted the demonstration. The largest and noisiest such group flew
socialist banners, dressed similarly, and all seemed to be no older than
thirty. Where on earth did they
come from, I wondered. A friend accompanying
me spotted one obvious ringer sporting a sign directing obscenities toward President
Bush, positioning himself between the television cameras and the speakersÕ
platform on the Ellipse near the White House. I have no guilt feeling over joining my
friend in forcibly taking down the manÕs sign after he refused to do so
voluntarily, and tearing it up.
From this little bit of experience I can say
that political demonstrations give a great opportunity for the practice of what
in the Nixon era was called Òdirty tricksÓ for propagandistic purposes. I can also recognize the grain of truth
in the ÒcontroversialÓ observation of President Trump that there were Òvery
fine people on both sidesÓ in the recent violent event in Charlottesville,
Virginia.
But in contrast to the two demonstrations that
I experienced, which were filled with genuine people with the best of
intentions from all walks of life and of all ages, the percentage of such
people in the melee at Charlottesville had to have been very low. To be sure there are lots of people of
good will who still revere the great Confederate General Robert E. Lee and are
dismayed at the plans of the city of Charlottesville to remove a statue
honoring him, but only the most deluded among them would participate in a rally
led by a self-proclaimed Òwhite nationalistÓ and peopled by assorted Òneo-NazisÓ
and Òwhite supremacists.Ó Even
without the violence, such support from such a quarter is clearly harmful to
the cause of honoring General Lee, perpetuating, as it canÕt help but do, the
very simplistic notion that the War between the States was all about ending the
racist oppression of black people by white people.
On the other side there might have been some
well-meaning but weak-minded people among them who have succumbed to the steady
diet of propaganda that has come almost monolithically from the national
opinion-molding community, from the universities, the press, and from Hollywood
on the subject of racism in the United States in general and the South in
particular, and would be moved to go out and protest against it. Perhaps there are more folks than I
would like to believe who responded honestly to the clarion call of the Marxist Socialist Worker web site with its
reasoning like the following: **
Here's
another obvious point about people who organize protests in defense of the
Confederacy: They are hate-fueled racists whose actions quickly reveal that the
only freedom they're interested in protecting is their own freedom to oppress
and intimidate others.
---
To
halt this growing menace will require people coming together in large numbers
to directly confront the hate-mongers before they can grow into a truly
threatening force.
Still, if they are motivated enough to go out
and protest—some of them traveling a long distance to do so—one
would think that they would also have heard about a group called Antifa, a very violence-prone outfit that claims to be on a
mission against Òfascism.Ó Since
white nationalism from their perspective is fascism incarnate, one could well
expect that theirs would be a heavy presence among the ÒprotestorsÓ of the
white nationalistsÕ rally in Charlottesville, and so it was. Would well-meaning Òfine peopleÓ really
want to be associated with mobs that throw containers of urine and feces on people and club them, set
fires to cars, and bash out the windows of buildings as a form of
expression? I suppose it is
possible that the counter-protest crowd had some few among it who could claim
ignorance by dint of the fact that they got all their news from, say, MSNBC or
CNN and had never heard of Antifa, but it is
difficult to believe that there were very many such people.
President Trump also said in his initial
statement, rightly though imprecisely and inarticulately, that there were Òbad
peopleÓ on both sides—both sides—who were responsible for the
violence. To be more accurate, what
he should have said was that there were ringers and plants on both sides who were most likely primarily responsible for the
violence. In fact, if truth be told, what happened at Charlottesville might best be
described as one big propagandistic dirty trick, from a beginning that
stretches a few years back to a very bad end that we are only beginning to see.
Divisive Mischief
We didnÕt realize it at the time, but race
relations in the United States probably were at their historical best with the
election of Barack Obama as president in 2008. To be sure he had the same weak
candidate to run against in the Democratic primary that Donald Trump faced in
the general election last year and the Republicans put up very poor candidates
against him both in 2008 and 2012, but it is undeniable that a very great
number of white people voted for Obama for who they perceived that he was, not
for who he wasnÕt. Martin Luther
KingÕs vision of a colorblind society in which people are judged by the content
of their character rather than the color of their skin seemed to be well on its
way to being realized.
Around the beginning of ObamaÕs second term,
though, race relations in the country began to worsen. Looking at some of the key events of the
period we canÕt help but notice a certain contrived character to that worsening. It probably started with the Trayvon Martin case in the spring of 2012. One can get a good appreciation of the
role the media played in fanning the flames of racial discord with my article,
ÒWashington Post Distorts Trayvon
Martin News.Ó Here
is a key passage:
As The
Post tells it, it was the Martin parentsÕ outrage over the lack of a
criminal charge that led them to the lawyers and thence to this amazingly effective
PR guy. But was it really the familyÕs public relations campaign that has
vaulted this story into the national news, or has something more sinister been
at work? You can read this Style section article as thoroughly and
carefully as possible, and nowhere will you find any mention of the malicious
role played by NBC and its editing of the tape of the 911 call that Zimmerman
made, which makes Zimmerman out to be a racist.
From there we had the events in Ferguson,
Missouri, and in Baltimore, accompanied by the rise of an organization called
Black Lives Matter, whose very name suggests that we have returned to an era in
which black people are considered to be of less consequence than white people
are.
Over the same period, Hollywood made its contribution
to worsened race relations with some very incendiary movies that might very
well be described as Uncle TomÕs Cabin on
steroids. While the
Martin-Zimmerman case was in the news, Quentin TarantinoÕs hyper-violent Django Unchained was
in the movies, giving black people a historical excuse to hate white people in
general and Southern white people in particular. That was followed up by the perhaps even
more pernicious 12 Years a Slave in
2013, whose negative contribution to race relations in the country are well
summed up by this article in World Net Daily by
Scott Greer. This quote from author Colin Flaherty captures the essence of the
article:
ÒHollywood has a relentless and very
singular view on racial relations. Their point of view is that racism is
everywhere and it is permanent, and this is a point of view that is repeated in
every major Hollywood movie about race. ÔDjango
UnchainedÕ and ÔThe ButlerÕ are just the latest examples of this mindset,Ó
Flaherty said.
Oh, The
Butler. That one came out in
2013. It is not about the slavery
period. Rather, it is based on the
true story of Eugene Allen as written up by reporter Will Haygood
in an article in The Washington Post. The movie gives Allen the name of ÒCecil
Gaines.Ó Here the left wing online
publication Daily Beast rationalizes the liberty that the
movie took with the truth in the latterÕs outrageous, gratuitous smear of
Southern white people:
The
Butler,
with its Forrest Gump-like ambition to touch on every significant moment
and movement in the countryÕs 20th century racial history, begins by showing
Cecil Gaines on a Georgia plantation picking cotton with his father (David
Banner). After his mother (Mariah Carey, in a wordless performance) becomes
catatonic after being raped by the plantation owner (Alex Pettyfer)
and his father is subsequently murdered, Cecil is essentially orphaned. The
woman in charge of the plantation (Vanessa Redgrave) takes pity on him and
makes him a houseboy, the beginning of his life-long career as a domestic.
Allen,
however, was born in Virginia, and, according to Haygood,
never spoke bitterly about his upbringing or hinted at the monstrosities
depicted in the film. He was a plantation houseboy in Virginia and did, as
Cecil does in the film, leave in the pursuit of better employment.
HowÕs that for fanning the flames of racial and
regional discord?
The Charleston Incident, Jared Taylor, and Richard Spencer
I was frankly shocked at the degree of
anti-Southern animus that I encountered in online discussions in the wake of
the pointless fatal shooting in Charleston, South Carolina, in June of 2015 of
nine black churchgoers. Considering
the general historical ignorance of the American public though, and the extent
to which their views are molded by popular culture, I suppose I should not have
been surprised.
Then, in the wake of the Charleston shootings,
came an urbane, Yale-educated man by the name of Jared Taylor who fashions
himself as a ÒracialistÓ as opposed to a racist to explain in learned-sounding
terms why the shooting by a young white man named Dylann
Roof had not really been as pointless as it might seem. His involvement in the matter probably
did more than anything to persuade me that the whole thing had been a very
sinister intelligence operation with the young white alleged shooter a
convenient fall guy cut out of the mold of Lee Harvey Oswald, James Earl Ray, Sirhan Sirhan, and Timothy McVeigh,
to name just a few of such historical characters. My interpretation of the Charleston
event is in my essay, ÒDylann Roof and Jared Taylor,Ó which begins like this:
From
the beginning, there seemed to be a very contrived, orchestrated quality to the
reported killing by a young white man of nine black Bible studiers at a famous
old A.M.E. church in Charleston, South Carolina. Who could miss it, what
with all the carefully posed photographs that came to light with the alleged
perpetrator, 21-year-old Dylann Roof, holding a
Confederate battle flag, wearing white African colonialist patches on his
jacket, holding a gun, burning an American flag, visiting a slave plantation,
etc.? No one has been identified as the person who took any of the
photographs. Who was it?
Roof,
from a broken home, had dropped out of school after repeating the ninth grade
and was only fitfully employed. His main activities seem to have been
playing video games, taking recreational drugs, and chilling out with his
friends, several of whom are black.
If the
orchestration had a purpose, as a CIA operation of some sort, it seems to have
been to cement in the public mind the idea that traditional white Southern
society, the Confederacy, and the Confederate battle flag that Roof flaunted in
the photos represent racism, pure and simple, and that the Civil War was all
about ending the SouthÕs oppression of black people. That was certainly
the message that the media—almost as one—carried to the public, as
did the politicians who took their cue from the media. Playing his role
in projecting that message, and more, that concern over rampant immigration is
also based upon racism, has been a very unlikely character by the name of Jared
Taylor.
More
recently the much younger Richard Spencer has supplanted Taylor as the pressÕs
favorite Òwhite supremacistÓ bogeyman.
Like Taylor, Spencer is a highly educated, articulate unlikely
racist. Like Taylor, he gives interviews to unfriendly
news organs that he can be certain will use what he says to make him, his
purported cause, and anyone or anything with which they can associate him, to
look absolutely as bad as possible.
It is very hard to escape the conclusion that that is the purpose in
giving the interview.
Hungarian
Prime Minister Viktor Orb‡n, who draws much of his
support, like Donald Trump, from people concerned over the effect on his
country of massive immigration, clearly felt that Taylor and Spencer were up to
no good and were, in fact, political poison, when they traveled to his country
in 2014 to hold a political conference.
Orb‡n
banned the conference and slapped Spencer in jail for three days for defying the
ban by holding an impromptu meeting with a number of the would-be attendees.
Taylor
and Spencer are peas in a pod when it comes to justifying their white
nationalism. Both cite Israel as an
exemplar. HereÕs
Taylor:
Not
long before he was assassinated, Yitzhak Rabin told U.S. News and World Report
that as Prime Minister of Israel he had worked to achieve many things, but what
he cared about most was that Israel remain at least 90 percent Jewish. He
recognized that the character of Israel would change in fundamental-and to him
unacceptable-ways if the non-Jewish population increased beyond a small
minority. Equally obviously, the
character of the United States is changing as non-whites arrive in large
numbers.
Now hereÕs
Spencer speaking to an interviewer on
Israeli television after the Charlottesville incident:
As an
Israeli citizen, someone who understands your identity, you have a sense of
nationhood and peoplehood and the history and experience of the Jewish people. You should respect someone like me who
has analogous feelings about whites.
I mean, you could say that I am a white Zionist in the sense that I care
about my people. I want us to have
a secure homeland thatÕs for us and ourselves just like you want a secure
homeland in Israel.
Could
one better make the case against Trump and his supporters, who are concerned
about what unbridled immigration from the Third World is doing to the country,
than do Taylor and Spencer? ÒTrumpism equals racism,Ó one might as well say. The only people who really count in the
Taylor-Spencer philosophy are the dominant majority group, which, at least for
now, continues to be white.
Everyone else is, in effect, a Palestinian. It is a perfect recipe for social
disharmony, and it is in direct conflict the principles upon which this
country—as opposed to the ÒJewish state of IsraelÓ—was founded.
But
what did Taylor and Spencer have to do specifically with the Charlottesville
incident?
ÒIn
August 2017, Spencer was given hierarchical primacy on poster advertisements
for the Charlottesville, Virginia, Unite the Right rally, which devolved into a
notorious and violent confrontation,Ó says Wikipedia, for what it is worth.
As for Taylor, unless he was writing tongue-in-cheek, he confirmed on
Twitter what was reported at the time on a
left-wing web site, that he met in Charlottesville with the rally planners back
in June while wearing a disguise.
Taylor
has also weighed in in the wake of Charlottesville, once again being
interviewed, as is his and SpencerÕs wont, by a hostile publication:
ÒI
certainly hope that white advocacy does not become irrevocably linked in the
publicÕs mind with violence and confrontation,Ó said Jared Taylor, the founder
of American Renaissance, who hosts a white-nationalist conference every year
and who Spencer has credited with Òred-pillingÓ him, or converting him to the
movement. TaylorÕs conference has attracted an increasing number of young
alt-right attendees in the past couple years; when I went last year, there was
a large contingent of MAGA-hat-wearing young men.
If Taylor really doesnÕt want to be associated
with violence and confrontation, do you think he would be cozying up the The Atlantic, which can be counted on,
going so far as to take liberties with the truth with respect to what happened
at Charlottesville, to make precisely that association?
And if you want to see how phony Spencer
is—and, indeed, how phony the Spencer vs. Antifa
conflict is—take a careful look at this video of Spencer being ÒassaultedÓ by a
black-clad ostensible Antifa member while giving an
interview during TrumpÕs Inaugural weekend. Notice first that silly haircut that
Spencer is sporting. It virtually
screams Òneo-NaziÓ and Spencer acts oblivious to it when someone in the
audience hurls that charge at him.
He might as well be the yuppie-coiffed ÒProgressive LiberalÓ professional wrestler
Daniel Richards working the mountain circuit of Eastern Kentucky and West
Virginia. In Washington, D.C.,
Spencer is playing the quite intentional red flag waver to a bull, but as it
turns out, the forthcoming violent reaction is clearly anything but natural and
spontaneous. Like the pre-match
bluster, the ÒpunchÓ thrown by the ÒAntifaÓ guy is
taken right from Daniel RichardsÕ trade.
ItÕs not a punch at all but a forearm with all the steam taken out of
it, all show and no blow, if you will.
It served its purpose, though, focusing national attention upon Spencer
as the symbol of everything people are supposed to hate about Trump, while at
the same time solidifying in the minds of Trump supporters what they hate about
the Left and liberals. Talk about
divisive mischief!
Now recall the celebrated Òsucker punchÓ thrown
by supposed Trump supporter John McGraw against the face of young black
Òprotestor,Ó Rakeem Jones, as he was being led out an
arena in Fayetteville, North Carolina, at a rally during the campaign. That little episode probably did more
than anything else to fix in the public mind the idea that Trump supporters
were racists. And even the little
provocative interview that McGraw gave at the end of the rally, after
inexplicably having been permitted to go back to his seat after he engaged in
his Òassault,Ó comes across as every bit as phony as SpencerÕs prior to his
being Òassaulted.Ó (To see my full
take on the Fayetteville Òsucker punchÓ episode, read my series of articles on
the subject, starting with the most recent one and working back.)
Jason Kessler
The actual nominal organizer and leader of the
Charlottesville rally was not Taylor or Spencer but a real latecomer to the white
nationalism philosophy by the name of Jason Kessler. Kessler, like Spencer a graduate of the highly
selective University of Virginia, with his recent background as an Obama
supporter and even as an Occupy Wall Street activist, makes Taylor and Evans
look almost genuine by comparison. ÒI canÕt think of any occupation that I admire
more than the professional provocateur, who has the
courage & self-determination to court controversy despite all slings &
arrows of the world,Ó is a statement that he has made in writing.
And check out this quote from another web site:
According
to a woman (who wished to remain anonymous) who was part of the Occupy movement
camp in what was then called Lee Park, Kessler was present there for several
weeks in late 2011. She said Kessler ultimately removed himself from the camp
after activists there started to make it known that his presence was not
welcomed.
ÒHe
was just so disagreeable that heÕd start fights between other people. He was
very manipulative and very aggressive,Ó the woman said.
ÒHe
wanted people to be more violent and aggressive. He wanted to be the leader of
things. ... Even if his politics had been good, I donÕt think people would have
liked him,Ó she said.
To me, that sounds exactly like the working style of someone practicing
the occupation that Kessler has said he admires the most. ÒUnite the RightÓ he called his
collection of lightning rods for national opprobrium supposedly gathered to
protest the removal of the statue of General from an honored place in his
native city. He might better have
called it ÒEmbarrass the Right,Ó ÒDiscredit the Right,Ó or if he was determined
to make it rhyme, ÒIndict the Right.Ó
Dovetailing with this information about Kessler, we have this, with
anonymous sources but with the ring of truth, from the web site True Pundit:
The
FBI has Intel assets implanted in several white supremacy sects, as well as the
radical ANTIFA group, according to federal law enforcement sources who spoke to
True Pundit.
The FBI sources said it is unlikely an asset
would be charged for stoking violence in Virginia if for instance that asset
had or was providing valuable information on another domestic terrorism case.
ÒWe wouldnÕt do a solid informant for this,Ó one
FBI insider said.
The word ÒdoÓ here pertains to indict.
The FBI, as we have seen in countless previous instances, has a very
broad definition for what it calls Òinformants.Ó They might well be, as hinted at here
with the term, Òstoking violence,Ó as the leading perpetrators,
themselves. If so, Kessler would be
high on the list. There could be a
number of other, more sinister individuals as well, including the possible
orchestrators of the fatal car crash.
Purposeful
Crisis Mismanagement?
Kessler appears to be on solid ground when he blames the police and their superiors for their role in failing to prevent the
violence that took place in Charlottesville. The record appears to be clear that
KesslerÕs group had a proper permit to hold its rally in Emancipation (formerly
Lee) Park where LeeÕs statue is located beginning at 12:00 noon. At 11:30, though, the police informed
them that theirs was an unlawful assembly, forcibly flushed them out of the
park and its environs, and, in effect, drove them into the arms of violent
protestors. Mayhem ensued while the
police made no effort to keep the groups apart.
This is a dereliction of their responsibility of the highest order upon
the part of the city and state authorities. They acted as though their intent was to
promote and encourage violence rather than to prevent it, and their actions
have led to a spate of finger-pointing, particularly from Mayor Mike Signer toward
City Manager Maurice Jones. We in
the public might well point a finger at Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe who
gave the peremptory order to declare the rally an unlawful assembly just before
it was to begin, opening the gates for the chaos and disorder that followed.
Rather than making any attempt to unravel the events at Charlottesville
and present them in a factual and dispassionate manner, the mainstream press
has chosen to turn the whole affair into a morality play in which the only Òbad
guysÓ are the bigoted Òwhite supremacists.Ó Anyone opposing them, or just pretending
to oppose them, almost by definition can do no wrong. The Washington
Post has even gone
so far as to use the event as an occasion to tout the Clinton acolyte McAullife as a good Democratic candidate for president in
2020, making one wonder if building up the infinitely malleable McAulliffe might have been one of the objectives of the
Charlottesville operation from the beginning.
When it comes to assigning ultimate blame for the Charlottesville
violence, we turn to a quote from an unlikely source, The New York Times, written on August 11: ÒThe fight over the Lee statue — in a downtown park
that was called Lee Park until it was recently renamed Emancipation Park
— has opened up old wounds and brought simmering tensions over race to
the fore.Ó
What a
fine idea that was to open old wounds and fan the flames of those simmering
tensions that we have shown to be artificially ginned up by the media in the
first place! The
Times, in its article that depicts the expected counter-protestors as so
many angelic choir boys arrayed against the forces of racist evil and never
once scribbles the dreaded ÒAntifaÓ word, informs us
that the opening of the old wounds began in the form of a petition begun by an
African-American high school student to have LeeÕs statue removed.
Has Charlottesvillie succumbed to its own version of the Red
Guard? Where were the responsible adults? Really, what would you expect of high
school students steeped in todayÕs popular culture and with only a puerile
grasp of General LeeÕs historical significance?
The
nation has really come to a fine pass when the purest horse sense on the
Confederate statue controversy should come from the mouth of former NBA great
Charles Barkley: ÒI think if you ask most black people to be honest, they ainÕt thought a day in their life about those stupid
statues. What we as black people need to do: we need to worry about getting our
education, we need to stop killing each other, we need to try to find a way to
have more economic opportunity and things like that,Ó and that statement gets him attacked as a
Òwhite supremacist.Ó
The Heather Heyer Death
Readers
will notice that up to this point we have not yet gotten around to the central
dominant event in the media narrative.
That can be summed up by the headline, ÒViolent White Supremacist Rally
in Charlottesville Turns Deadly.Ó
Of course, we are talking about the Òturned deadlyÓ part of that
headline, which the press has covered almost to the point of frenzy. Although they seem to want to talk about
almost nothing else except the death of counter-protestor 32 year-old Heather Heyer, as a result of the ramming of a car into two cars in
front of it in the midst of a crowd of protestors and then dashing speedily
away in reverse, they have exhibited a curious lack of interest in the specific
details of the incident. In that
regard it has been so similar to the Vincent
Foster death case in the first year of the Clinton administration that one
canÕt help but be suspicious.
From
the beginning the media narrative was set and has not varied from what one hears
in this MSNBC interview of
the witness, Brennan Gilmore, who is never asked what he was doing at the
rally, why he was where he was at the time the events he describes take place,
and how he was so nimble in using his phone to film the car as it sped toward
the car and crowd in front of it and then backed speedily away. We can gather
from the interview at least that Gilmore is not one of those infamous crisis actors. If he were any kind of decent
professional actor he wouldnÕt lay on the heavy editorializing about the
racists and Nazis and how such horrible deaths are the natural consequence of
their philosophy of violence, in contrast to their deeply peace-loving and
non-violent opponents that he observed at the rally. He seems not to realize that he would be
a lot more believable if he didnÕt try to usurp the Rachel Maddow
role. If you didnÕt even know who
the guy was youÕd think that this was really bad propaganda that would
embarrass Pravda in the heyday of the Soviet UnionÉor perhaps even Pyongyang.
Within
a day of the interview the following revealing headline appeared on The Gateway Pundit: ÒRandom Man at Protests Interviewed by MSNBC, NY Times Is
Deep State Shill Linked to George Soros.Ó Perhaps GilmoreÕs background had already
been revealed elsewhere, because on the same day he had a highly polemical article on Politico revealing his State Department
and Democratic Party ties. The
nature of that article is well captured in one paragraph:
As a
result of this decades-long flirtation, we now have a president who has
emboldened white supremacists. Many of the marchers I saw on Saturday wore Make
America Great Again hats, and the former KKK leader David Duke forthrightly
said the purpose of the rally was to Òfulfill the promises of Donald Trump.Ó If
Trump doesnÕt want this kind of support, he needs to say so.
Actually,
I believe Trump has said so quite a number of times. But isnÕt it really a great coincidence
that this key witness with government and top political connections should now
be a leader of the big rhetorical pivot from ÒRussia, Russia, RussiaÓ to
Òracist, racist, racist?Ó
As it
turned out I was hardly the only one to think that there might be a little more
than coincidence involved here, and the online disclosures an speculation of
these other folks moved Gilmore to write a week later another Philippic in Politico, this time against those who
had caught him out entitled ÒHow I Became Fake News,Ó
with the subtitle ÒI witnessed a terrorist attack in Charlottesville. Then the conspiracy theories
began.Ó Imagine that.
As one
might expect Gilmore makes heavy use of nos. 2 and 5 or the Seventeen
Techniques for Truth Suppression, ÒWax
indignant,Ó and ÒCall the skeptics names.Ó
He also concedes that the George Soros connection in that Gateway Pundit was correct, that Soros
was a heavy contributor to the unsuccessful Virginia gubernatorial candidate
for whom Gilmore was chief of staff.
Contrary
to GilmoreÕs charges, the various people raising questions about the car
collision incident can hardly be characterized, without any evidence, as Nazis
or white supremacists. It is hardly off the mark, though, to suggest that they
suspect a conspiracy of some sort and that we are not being told the full
truth. That is hardly any excuse
for Gilmore to employ the essentially meaningless pejorative, Òconspiracy
theorist,Ó though.
Furthermore,
nobody, to my knowledge, has maintained that Gilmore, himself, Òstaged the
attack,Ó but very quickly a number of people on YouTube were pointing out anomalies. Not long after GilmoreÕs MSNBC
interview, a YouTube poster with the screen name of The Outer Light, speaking with
what I believe is a New Zealand accent, had put up ÒSome odd things about the event in Charlottesville.Ó He noted,
among other things, as have others, that the driver of the Dodge Challenger
responsible for the carnage doesnÕt really look like the young man who has been
arrested, 20 year-old James Alex Fields of Maumee, Ohio. What he fails to note is that, although
you canÕt make out the driverÕs face very well, you can see very clearly that
he is not wearing glasses. In the
one formal portrait-like photograph that the press has shown over and over
Fields wears a somber expression, a black and white shirt, and no glasses, but
if you do a Google images search for Fields you will see that in every shot
that was taken of him at the rally that day he was wearing corrective
lenses. The formal glum photo
spread around by the press was the only one I was able to find, in fact, in
which he was not wearing glasses.
They are clearly not reading glasses; he obviously needs to use them for
his outside activities. Does it
make any sense at all that he would not use them while driving a car?
The
Outer Light also found it strange that the driver-side air bag did not deploy
in spite of the force of the collision into the car ahead of it, a search of
the records for the vehicle using the Ohio license plate number revealed that
the Dodge Challenger with that vehicle identification number (VIN) has a sun
roof while the colliding Challenger clearly does not, and the driving skills
exhibited by the person who backed the car down that street at high speed seem
to surpass what one would expect from someone without any known special
training at it.
Others
on YouTube, which is where the real action from ostensible citizen journalists
can be found on Charlottesville, have noted that the Challenger had windows
that were deeply tinted, such as one might see on a limousine and that in still
photos that have been published, the Challenger that Fields was supposedly driving
had racing stripes while
the one in the videos did not.
There is also a question about the formal posed photograph of
Fields. Where did it come
from? If itÕs not his police mug
shot, where is that photograph and why has it not been made public? If it is, why is he wearing a shirt that
is clearly different from the one that the driver of the collision car was
wearing?
At
this point a couple of weeks after the event, many of the best questions that
have been raised have been in a series of videos by a baseball-cap wearing man
who uses the screen name of SonofNewo. I have not yet taken the time to watch
all of his videos, but I would heartily recommend his 54:55 minute opus
entitled ÒAnalyzing CharlottesvilleÕs Zapruder
Film: the Ford Fischer LiveStream.Ó His big
discovery in that film is that the maroon colored minivan that was at the front
of the three-car collision was sitting there in the crosswalk parked—and
without a driver—for at least five minutes prior to the collision. In a subsequent video he shows the
official police report that says the van had stopped to allow pedestrians to
pass, which is clearly not true. And,
oh yes, no one appeared to be in the driverÕs seat at the time of the
collision, either.
We
have also learned that the accused driver Fields had washed out of the Army on
account of the fact that he was suffering from schizophrenia. SonofNewo
reminds us that the FBI was just caught setting up a 23-year-old schizophrenic
by the name of Jerry Drake Varnell. Might not
James Alex Fields, he asks us, be another Jerry Drake Varnell? Or might he be another Lee Harvey
Oswald, Timothy McVeigh, or Dylann Roof?
* The NLF was the National Liberation Front of
South Vietnam, called Viet Cong by the Americans, short for Vietnamese
Communists. At that point of the
war, in fact, the NLF was pretty much a spent force, having suffered very heavy
losses in the strategically successful Tet offensive
of early 1968. From then on the war had come down mainly to a battle between
the North and the South.
** They
should not be confused with the Communist Socialist Workers Party, whose house
publication online is The Militant.
Interestingly, concerning the Ògrowing menaceÓ of racism in the country,
Seth Galinsky of The
Militant, in his coverage of the Charlottesville incident, made this
observation:
But itÕs simply not true that there is a
rise in racism or anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim sentiment among the working class
in the U.S.
On the contrary, there is less racism,
bigotry or sexism among workers in the U.S. today than at any time in U.S.
history. The historic conquests of the Black rights movement of the 1950s, Õ60s
and early Õ70s dealt a crushing blow to Jim Crow segregation, pushed back
racism and changed the United States forever.
David Martin
September 1, 2017
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